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Gaily coloured resin figurines of Hindugods are plentiful in India’s hundreds of thousands of bazaars. Mostshopkeepers do not know where the figurines were manufactured or, if they do,will not tell. India increasingly imports mass-produced idols of Hindu deitiesfrom China—by the millions since 2000.

印度数以十万计的集市上,色彩艳丽的印度教神像随处可见,但是大多数店主不知道这些雕像是在哪里制造的,就算知道,他们也不会说出来。2000年以来,印度开始从中国进口越来越多的印度神像。

Demand is growing for such householddeities, along with rising incomes and a spirit of Hindu nationalism. MostIndians, 82% of the population, practice Hinduism and have a prayer area intheir home. Even the poor—about 500 million Indians earn less than $2.75 perday—can afford a few such items, with retail prices starting at $3.

收入的增加,以及印度教的民族主义精神,使得对这种神像的需求不断增加。绝大多数印度人(占印度人口的82%)信奉印度教,在他们家庭里面,会有一个专门的祈祷区域,就算是印度的穷人(印度大约有5亿人每天的收入不足2.75美元),也能买得起一些(印度教神像),这些神像的零售价从3美元起。



Scale: Most manufacturing in China is doneon a large scale—for example, an Indian producer may have three plasticinjection-molding machines, whereas a Chinese counterpart has more than 70.Larger scale means that overhead and fixed costs can be spread over more unitsof production, thereby reducing the cost per unit.

规模:中国大多数制造业都是大规模生产,比如,一家印度的生产商,可能有三台注塑成型机器,而中国的生产商,有70多台。规模更大,意味着管理费用和固定成本可以得到更多分摊,从而降低单位成本。

Productivity: A McKinsey report notes that “…workersin India’s manufacturing sector are almost four and five times less productive,on average, than their counterparts in Thailand and China, respectively.”Chinese workers may be paid four times the Indian hourly wage, but if outputper worker is more than five times greater compared with workers in India, thenChina has a competitive advantage. Analysts suggest the problem rests withmanagement and regulations, not labor. According to the McKinsey report, Indianfactories lag in automated equipment, capacity utilization, supply chains, andquality control. For example, few successful factory owners expand plantsbeyond 99 workers. Labor regulations are more complicated for plants with morethan 100 employees where government approval is required under the IndustrialDisputes Act of 1947 before laying off any employee, even if demand drops.Firms can go bankrupt, forced to pay monthly wages for years following a plantclosure. Likewise, the Contract Labor Act of 1970 requires government andemployee approval for simple changes in an employee’s job descxtion orduties.

生产力:麦肯锡的一份报告指出,“印度制造业的工人平均生产率比泰国和中国的工人低四和五倍。”中国工人的工资可能是印度每小时工资的四倍,但如果每个工人的产量与印度的工人相比,产出要多五倍,那么中国就有了竞争优势。分析人士认为,问题在于管理和规章制度,而不是劳动力。根据麦肯锡的报告,印度工厂在自动化设备、产能利用、供应链和质量控制方面落后。比如,很少有成功的工厂主将工厂扩大到99名工人以上,对于拥有超过100名员工的工厂来说,劳动法规更加复杂,因为你在解雇任何员工之前,1947年制定的《劳工纠纷法》,会使得(解雇)需要政府的批准,就算你的产品需求正在下降。企业可能会(因此)破产,而你会被迫支付工厂关闭之后数年的月工资。同样,1970年制定的《合同劳动法》,使得改变员工的工作内容或者职责,需要得到政府的批准和员工的同意。

Corruption: India and China both rank 79thout of 176 countries in Transparency International’s Corruption PerceptionsIndex 2016. The tie in rank masks differences. Corruption in China occurs at ahigher level, with less frequency and little impact on day-to-day operations.By contrast, bribery in India is petty and frequent, impinging on everydayactions such as getting an electricity connection, changing a job descxtion,or paying a bill. Ultimately, India’s pervasive corruption is morepsychologically and economically debilitating than China’s.

腐败:在透明国际2016年发布的腐败指数中,印度和中国在176个国家中,排名都是第79位,但是这种排名有区别,中国的腐败,频率更低,对日常工作的的影响很小,而相比之下在印度,贪污贿赂很常见,而且经常发生,会直接影响到日常的工作,比如接通电源、改变工作内容或者支付账单等等。总的说来,印度普遍存在的腐败,在经济(发展)上比不过中国。

The Modi government has promised to amendlabor laws to reduce the number of strikes and slow-downs. With more than 16,000distinct unxs, each affiliated with a plethora of political parties, theIndian economy loses up to 23 million person-days each year from labor actions.

牧笛政府承诺修改劳动法,来减少罢工和生产力低下,但是印度有超过16000个不同的工会,每个工会,都与众多的政党有着关联,由于劳工运动,在经济层面上,印度每一年的损失多达2300万人日(的工作量)。

Transport: The distance from Guangzhou inChina to Mumbai is five times greater than that between Delhi to Mumbai. Butcargo costs for the 7,300 kilometers by sea are roughly comparable to truckfreight for the internal, 1,400 kilometers by road. Assuming 25,000 Hindufigurines per container, with ocean freight costs averaging $1,000 percontainer from Guangzhou to Mumbai, the transport cost per unit is around 4 UScents. Assuming two 9 ton capacity trucks needed between Delhi and Mumbai, thecost per unit is also just under 4 cents, for less than one-fifth the distance.

交通:中国广州到孟买的距离,是德里到孟买距离的5倍以上。但7300公里海运的货运成本,与(印度)国内1400公里卡车货运的成本大致相当。假设每个集装箱装有25000个印度教神像,从广州到孟买的海运成本平均为每集装箱1000美元,那么每单位的运输成本大约是4美分。而假设在德里和孟买之间(运输这些货物)需要两辆9吨重的卡车,那么每辆车的单位成本也接近4美分,只有五分之一的距离,但是成本少不了多少。



The World Bank compares 189 nations on“Ease of Doing Business” and shows a more benign business climate for Chinawith fewer regulations, lower costs of compliance, shorter times for approvals,and better legal recourse. On most indicators, Chinese businesses have a mucheasier time than their Indian counterparts in securing permits with fewerprocedures.

世界银行将189个国家的“经商便利性”进行了比较,结果显示中国的商业环境更加良好,阻碍性的法规更少,成本也更低,审批通过的时间更短,法定追索权也更加好。在大多数指标上,中国企业相比印度企业,需要走更少的程序,也更容易获得许可。

Subsidies: Many of the 50-odd companies inChina that produce Hindu figurines attend trade fairs not only in India, butalso in Frankfurt and Las Vegas. Besides Hindu deities, they produce Christianand Buddhist figures and other household decorations. Marketing expenses aretax deductible, sometimes subsidized, and a culture of international marketingsavvy extends to even smaller enterprises in China.

财政补贴:在中国生产印度神像的50多家公司之中,有很多不仅在印度(有业务),而且在法兰克福和拉斯维加斯也会参加贸易展览会,除了印度教的神像,他们还生产基督教和佛教的神像以及其他的家庭装饰品,而这些营销费用是免税的,有时候甚至是有补贴的,国际性的营销文化,甚至已经蔓延到中国的小企业里面。



All said however, subsidies and incentivesrepresent but a small part of the explanation for China’s export success.Despite Modi’s “Make in India” campaign, India’s trade imbalance with China andthe world has only worsened. Eliminating unnecessary bureaucratic interferencecould help to turn India into a factory for the world someday.

但是,补贴和激励措施,只是中国制造成功出口的一小部分原因。尽管牧笛发起了“印度制造”计划,但印度与中国以及世界其他地区的贸易失衡,只会越来越严重,而消除不必要的官僚主义,有助于印度早日成为世界工厂。